Hadza

Hadza
Autoglottonym:	Haza, hazane
Pronunciation:	[ɦad͜za]
Ethnologue name:	Hadza
OLAC name:	Hadza
Location point:	3°45′ S, 35°10′ E
Genealogy
Family:	isolate
Genus:	Hadza
Speakers
Country:	Tanzania
Official in:	none
Speakers:	1,000
Writing system:	none
Codes
ISO 639-3:	hts

Hadza is a language isolate of Tanzania.

Location and Speakers

Hadza is spoken along the entire eastern shore of alkaline Lake Eyasi, which lies at the base of the Serengeti Plateau in Tanzania, from Mount Oldeani in the north to the Isanzu agricultural areas in the south.

There is a small population of Hadza to the west of the lake, in Dunduina /duƞtuina/ 'Sukumaland', but their number seems to be decreasing and many only speak Sukuma and Swahili.

There are approximately 1,000 speakers of Hadza, most now bilingual in Swahili. Other second languages include Isanzu in the south, Sukuma in the west, and to a lesser degree Datooga in the center (e.g. near the Yaeda Valley) and Iraqw on the margins of Iraqw territory. The northern Hadza area, around the town of Mangola, was largely monolingual until the introduction of Standard Swahili after independence.

As of 2005, about 40% of Hadza lived as full-time hunter-gatherers, and language transmission was robust in the areas east of the lake, but since then there have been reports of children speaking Swahili east of the lake, perhaps due to the influx of Dunduinabee abandoning their territory in the west.

Classification

Hadza is a language isolate. Greenberg classified it as Khoisan due to its use of click consonants. If it were not for the clicks, it's likely that Hadza would have been classified as Cushitic.

Dialects

There do not appear to be any dialects of Hadza, presumably due to the mobility of its speakers. There are some regional differences of vocabulary, however, and speakers note that there are many more Bantu loans in the south.

Name

"Hadza" is the most common name in the literature. Haza /ɦad͜za/ simply means 'human being'. The derivative "Hadzane" (/ɦad͜zane/ 'in the manner of the people') is sometimes encountered as the name of the language. The feminine plural hazabee /ɦad͜zabeʔe/ may be used for the people, though it is usually spelled "Hadzabe" due to devoicing of the final vowel. (The feminine is the inclusive gender in the plural.) "Hadzapi" is the masculine copular form hazaphii /ɦad͜zapʰiʔi/. "Hatza" and "Hatsa" are older German spellings.

"Tindiga" is from the Swahili name, watindiga 'people of the marsh grass', presumably named for the large spring in Mangola. The form wahadza, kihadza is found instead of watindiga, kitindiga in recent Swahili publications, but the Hadza do not consider watindiga to be pejorative. "Kindiga" may be a cognate from one of the local Bantu languages. "Kangeju" (pronounced Kangeyu) is an obsolete German name of unclear origin. The name "Wahi" (pronounced Vahi) found in Kohl-Larsen is a Sukuma name for the Hadza.

Orthography

Hadza does not have a written tradition. Two orthographies have seen recent use: the phonetic transcription of Tucker, Bryan & Woodburn (1977), used with some modification by Woodburn and other anthropologists, and the practical orthography of Anyawire et al. (2013). As it is based on the IPA, the Woodburn transcription is more accessible to linguists, while the Anyawire orthography is closer to those of Sandawe other written languages in Tanzania. There is evidently some political controversy over the choice of orthography, with Hadza reporting they have been told that if they use the Anyawire orthography they will loose their land. There are two motivations for the Anyawire orthography: the perception that the IPA click letters of the Woodburn transcription portray the Hadza language as bizarre, when the Hadza people already have difficulties with being marginalized and a perception that they are not proper human beings, and the practical issue that the ubiquitous apostrophe of the Woodburn transcription makes it impractical for extended use. The apostrophes are generally omitted by those Hadza who have learned it, with the resulting texts often being unintelligible even to their authors; when the apostrophes are written, they greatly slow down the pace of writing. In the Anyawire orthography, doubled consonants and vowels are used for glottalized/ejective consonants and glottal stop, with the apostrophe only being used for the Swahili convention of Template:Angle bracket for /ŋ/.

The Anyawire orthography is used alongside the IPA in this article. An apostrophe will be retained for glottal stop between unlike vowels, for e.g. ae /ae/ vs a'e /aʔe/. In practice, epenthetic glides are more likely to be used to indicate vowels in hiatus, for aye /ae/ and ae /aʔe/.

Phonology

Hadza syllable structure is limited to CVN in native words. There are no vowel-initial roots, unless h is analyzed as an allophone of zero. Syllable-coda N surfaces as a homorganic nasal when a following consonant has a place of articulation to assimilate to, and as nasalization of the vowel before a glottal consonant (glottal stop and h/zero) and pre-pausa. Coda N appears allophonically before voiced or glottalized nasal clicks. A moraic (syllabic?) nasal is also found word-initially in loans, where it may have a different pitch than the following vowel; such nasals are analyzed as NCV sequences rather than as a series of prenasalized consonants. Initial NCV may also occur when the initial hV syllable of an hVCV- word is elided and the C2 is a glottalized nasal click.

Stress and tone

Salient stress and pitch is not restricted to a particular syllable. There are no known minimal pairs, grammatical or lexical, for stress or tone. Pairs claimed in the literature have turned out to either not be distinct or not be minimal pairs. It may be that some loanwords retain their tone from their source language.

Vowels

There are five vowels, which are close to cardinal [a e i o u]. Phonetic nasal vowels, which are not common except before a consonant, are here analyzed as /VN/.

Phonetic long vowels are often sequences, as in kaha [kaː] ~ [kaɦa] 'to climb'. In some words, however, there is no allomorph with [ɦ], as in bôko [boːko] 'she' (forms a minimal pair with boko [boko] 'to be ill'). There is no known minimal set to establish long /Vː/ as distinct from a /VV/ sequence.

The mid vowels /e, o/ tend to rise when a high vowel, /i, u/, occurs in the following syllable, and may merge with /i, u/ in that position. However, such assimilation tends to be optional, even in suffixed pronouns such as onebii [ʔone̝biʔi] ~ unibii [ʔunibiʔi] 'we' (masculine, inclusive).

/u/ is relatively uncommon except in loans or due to vowel-height assimilation, and does not occur in grammatical morphemes unless the morpheme has a second syllable with vowel /i/.

Vowels tend to devoice pre-pausa and after a voiceless consonant. In the highly frequent pattern of word-final -V₁ʔV₁ (where the two vowels are the same, found in half of all grammatical suffixes and clitics though not frequently elsewhere), the vowel and preceding glottal stop tend to elide completely, whether pre-pausa or before another word.

Consonants

Hadza has at least 50 productive syllable onsets and several more marginal consonants.

Principal Hadza consonants
(parentheses: loans. dark background: may occur after N)

		Labial	Denti- alveolar		(Post) alveolar	Palatal	Post- velar		Glottal
							plain	labialized
Click	Aspirated		ᵏǀʰ		ᵏǃʰ	ᵏǁʰ
	Tenuis		ᵏǀ		ᵏǃ	ᵏǁ
	Voiced nasal		ᵑǀ		ᵑǃ	ᵑǁ
	Glottalized nasal		ᵑǀˀ		ᵑǃˀ	ᵑǁˀ
Plosive / affricate
	Ejective	pʼ	t͜sʼ		t͜ʃʼ	c͜ʎ̥˔ʼ	k͜xʼ	k͜xʷʼ
	Aspirated	pʰ	tʰ	t͜sʰ	t͜ʃʰ	c͜ʎ̥˔ʰ	kʰ	kʷʰ
	Tenuis	p	t	t͜s	t͜ʃ	c͜ʎ̥˔	k	kʷ	ʔ
	Voiced	b	(d)	(d͜z)	(d͜ʒ)		(ɡ)	(ɡʷ)
Nasal		m	n		(ɲ)		(ŋ)	(ŋʷ)	//ƞ//
Fricative		(fʷ)	ɬ	s	ʃ
Sonorant			ɺ			j		w	ɦ

Consonants in parentheses are thought to be loans, though the voiced obstruents at least are well-integrated and may be spreading to native roots.

Consonants with a grey background may follow a coda nasal. (That is, they may be C2 in a CVNCV pattern.) /ᵏǃ/ and /ᵏǁ/ are not attested in this position, but it is suspected these are accidental gaps, given that only two roots are known with /ᵏǀ/ after a nasal and that the gaps have not yet been investigated in the field.

The voice-onset time of consonants is reduced after a nasal coda: tenuis consonants may be partially or completely voiced, and the aspiration of aspirated consonants may be reduced or lost. This is true of clicks as well as of plosives and affricates. A /b/~/p/ distinction has not been found in this position despite /b/ being native.

Aspirated consonants may only be distinct in the first few syllables of a word. Many speakers distinguish aspirated plosives in only a few words, but maintain a robust distinction for affricates and clicks. The reason for this asymmetry is unknown.

The glottalized nasal clicks surface as e.g. [ǃʔ] post-pausa and often [ŋ͡nʔǃ] intervocalically. Accounts differ as to whether there is voiceless nasal airflow in post-pausa position.

Aspirated clicks may have a delayed and clearly audible posterior release, e.g. [ᵏǃʰ] ~ [ᵏǃkʰ]. This release has the same post-velar articulation as the k-series of plosives.

The ǃ-clicks tend to be weakly articulated, though, so far as is known, not slapped as has been reported from Sandawe. When intervocalic, /ᵑǃ/ may surface as or nearly as [ŋ͡n]. The ǁ-clicks, on the other hand, are typically quite salient.

Among the ejectives, /pʼ/ is uncommon. Many vary between affricate and fricative realizations. [sʼ, ʃʼ, xʼ, xʷʼ] have been noted. /k͜xʼ/ and /k͜xʷʼ/ have plosive allophones [kʼ, kʷʼ], and at least /k͜xʼ/ has a lateral allophone [k͜ʟ̝̊ʼ]. /t͜sʼ/ may be the ejective correlate of both the /t/ and /t͜s/ series of pulmonic consonants.

The 'postalveolar' lateral affricates may be pronounced with an alveolar onset, e.g. [t͜ʎ̥˔], or without involving the front of the tongue, e.g. [c͜ʎ̥˔]. The fricative /ɬ/ is alveolar, and a postalveolar or palatal articulation is not accepted. Given that the fricative may be pronounced as an affricate in some prosodic situations, this means that there is an three-way phonetic place contrast among laterals: [t͜ɬ] vs [t͜ʎ̥˔ ~ c͜ʎ̥˔] and [t͜ʎ̥˔ʼ ~ c͜ʎ̥˔ʼ] vs [k͜ʟ̝̊ʼ].

/ɺ/ is typically realized as [l] post-pausa and [ɾ] elsewhere, though [ɺ] is not uncommon. It also tends toward [l] when it occurs as both C1 and C2, as in /ɺoɺa/ (sp. rabbit).

[ɦ] and zero may be allophones. If so, and given that vowel-initial suffixes may elide a stem-final vowel, it would be simplest to posit that the phoneme is zero and [ɦ] an allophone of zero. A predictive conditioning environment has not been discovered, but prosody may play a role; even vowel-initial suffixes and clitics may be realized with an initial [ɦ] when given contrastive prosody. Assimilation or bilingualism may be involved in the case of loanwords. For instance, an Isanzu loan for 'snake' was recorded as ihato /ʔiɦato/ at the beginning of the 20th century (and perhaps in an Isanzu-biligual area) but as iyato /ʔiato/ ~ /ʔijato/ at the beginning of the 21st century in Mangola.

/j/ and /w/ are not distinctive next to front (/i, e/) and back (/o, u/) vowels, respectively. It is possible that they are allophones of /i/ and /u/. When they occur word-initially, purported /jV, wV/ often appear as [ʔijV] and [ʔuwV]. This is true even of a ubiquitous sequential auxiliary (yamo [jamo] ~ iamo [ʔiamo] in the 3msg posterior (past?) tense). /j/ does however occur in two object suffixes where such variation has not been noted.

Marginal consonants

A labial click, variously reported as [ᵑʘʷ] or [ᵑʘˀ], is found in a single root, mcwa-, that is mimetic for a kiss and often made with an accompanying kiss to the hand. It may be that it is allophonic with a dental click in the root ncua- /ᵑǀua/ 'kiss'.

A trill [r] is used by some speakers in some words, perhaps reflecting the pronunciation of the word in the language it was borrowed from. It is replaced with /ɺ/ by other speakers.

An implosive [ɓ] is used by some speakers in some words, perhaps reflecting the pronunciation of the word in the source language. It is replaced with /b/ by other speakers. Other implosives have not been noted.

A fricative [x] occurs lexicalized in an expletive, ahho [ʔaxo], where otherwise the root is akho /ʔakʰo/ 'genitals'. (/kʰ/ is commonly realized as [kx].)

The approximants /j, w/ should perhaps also be considered marginal.

Phonotactics

All clicks within a root must be the same, as in /ᵏǀikiɺiƞᵏǀa/ 'pinkie'. Although there is a tendency for clicks and ejectives to occur as C1, in a quarter of click words the click occurs as C2.

Clicks and ejectives may co-occur, but always in that order. When they co-occur, there appears to be some sibilant harmony, with a strong tendency for /t͜sʼ/ to occur with denti-alveolar clicks and for /c͜ʎ̥˔ʼ/ to occur with lateral clicks.

When an aspirated consonant occurs more than once in a word, the first tends to deaspirate (Grassmann's/Katupha's Law, though generally optional). A coda N may block deaspiration, as in the allomorphs /peᵏǃeᵏǃʰe/ ~ /peƞᵏǃʰeƞᵏǃʰe/ 'to rush'. NC sequences may loose their nasal segment as well, as in /ƞtʰaɺaƞtʰaɺaʔabiʔi/ ~ /taɺaƞtʰaɺaʔabiʔi/ '(arrow) barbs'. It is not clear to what extent these patterns hold with two different aspirated consonants.

Swadesh lists

Only roots are given. For example, the word for 'name' is feminine plural akhanabee.

Wichmann & Holman basic 40-word list (ordered by stability)

• louse ccamazzi /ᵑǀˀamat͜sʼi/ (cf. ccezze /ᵑǀˀet͜s’e/ 'tick')
• two pie /pie/, konxa /koᵑǁa/ (verb)
• water ati /ʔati/
• ear hajjapitchi /ɦat͜ʃ’apit͜ʃʰi/
• to die taxxi /taᵑǁˀi/, misi /misi/ (Datooga?)
• I *one */ʔone/, */-ko/
• liver xxe /ᵑǁˀe/
• eye akhwa /ʔakʷʰa/
• hand, arm ukhwa /ʔukʷʰa/
• hear nxa'e /ᵑǁaʔe/
• tree zziti /t͜s’iti/
• fish ccama /ᵑǀˀama/, ccara /ᵑǀˀaɺa/
• name akhana /ʔakʰana/
• stone haqqa /ɦaᵑǃˀa/
• tooth aha /ʔaɦa/
• breast iriba /ʔiɺiba/ ('breasts, milk'. Cushitic); ggazza /k͜x’at͜s’a/ ('flesh at sternum')
• thou the /tʰe/, /-en-/ (m), /-n-/ (f)
• path yeke /jeke/
• bone midla /mic͜ʎ̥˔’a/ (cf. Dahalo)
• tongue ncata /ᵑǀata/
• skin ahu /ʔaɦu/
• night zzifi /t͜s’ifi/ (m; f = 'day')
• leaf hazzape /ɦat͜s’ape/ (~ear?)
• (rain ati /ʔati/ m = 'rain, river'; f = 'water')
• (kill xô /ᵏǁoː/)
• blood athama /ʔatʰama/
• horn roo /ɺoʔo/
• person haza /ɦad͜za/ (human), unu /ʔunu/ (person)
• knee guringuri /ɡuɺiƞɡuɺi/ ~ gurunguri /ɡuɺuƞɡuɺi/ (Cushitic? pan-African)
• one itchâme /ʔit͜ʃʰaːme/
• nose intawe /ʔiƞtʰawe/
• full gga'e /k͜x’aʔe/, *cco- */ᵑǀˀo-/ ?
• come za /d͜za/ (Bantu), botco /bot͜ʃo/ (stem of imperative)
• star ntsa /ƞt͜sʰa/ (or /saa/?) (Cushitic?)
• mountain xxudle /ᵑǁˀuc͜ʎ̥˔’e/
• fire zzoko /t͜s’oko/
• we (exclusive) ô /ʔoː/, /-j-/
• to drink fa /fʷa/
• to see chî /ᵏǀʰiː/ ~ cî /ᵏǀiː/
• (bark heggwa /ɦek͜xʷ’a/)
• new zana /d͜zana/ [cf. come]
• dog xhaano /ᵏǁʰaʔano/, tîngi /tiːƞki/
• sun isho /ʔiʃo/

Bibliography

• Roger Blench (2008). Hadza Animal Names. Paper presented at the 3rd International Symposium on Khoisan Languages and Linguistics, Riezlern, 7–9 July 2008.
• Niklas Edenmyr (2004). The semantics of Hadza gender assignment: a few notes from the field. Africa & Asia, no. 4, Department of Oriental and African languages, Göteborg University, 3–19.
• Edward Elderkin (1978). Loans in Hadza: internal evidence from consonants. Occasional Papers 3, Dar es Salaam.
• Peter Ladefoged, Ian Maddieson & Bonny Sands, Bonny (1991). Hadza wordlist and sound files. UCLA Phonetics Lab Archive.
• ———— (1993). The Phonetic Structures of Hadza. In UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics No. 84: Fieldwork Studies in Targeted Languages, 67–87.
• Kirk Miller (2008). Hadza Grammar Notes. Paper presented at the 3rd International Symposium on Khoisan Languages and Linguistics, Riezlern, 7–9 July 2008.
• ———— (2009). Highlights of Hadza fieldwork. Paper presented at the 83rd Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, San Francisco, 8–11 January 2009.
• Kirk Miller, ed., with Mariamu Anyawire, G.G. Bala, & Bonny Sands (2013). A Hadza Lexicon (ms).
• Bonny Sands (1998). The Linguistic Relationship between Hadza and Khoisan. In Schladt, Matthias (ed.) Language, Identity, and Conceptualization among the Khoisan (Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung Vol. 15), Köln: Rüdiger Köppe, 265–283.
• ———— (2013). Phonetics and phonology: Hadza; Tonology: Hadza; Morphology: Hadza; Syntax: Hadza. In Rainer Vossen, ed., The Khoesan Languages. Oxford: Routledge.
• Sergei Starostin. Hadza basic lexicon. Global Lexicostatistical Database. [much of the parsing is speculation, and Bleek's posthumous data is unreliable]
• A.N. Tucker, M.A. Bryan & James Woodburn as co-author for Hadza (1977). The East African Click Languages: A Phonetic Comparison. In J.G. Moehlig, Franz Rottland, Bernd Heine, eds, Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnohistorie in Afrika. Berlin: Dietrich Diener Verlag.