Difference between revisions of "Hadza"
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=== Location and Speakers === | === Location and Speakers === | ||
| − | Hadza is spoken along the entire eastern shore of alkaline Lake Eyasi, which lies at the base of the Serengeti Plateau in Tanzania, from Mount Oldeani in the north to the Isanzu agricultural areas in the south. | + | Hadza is spoken along the entire eastern shore of alkaline Lake Eyasi, which lies at the base of the Serengeti Plateau in central Tanzania, from Mount Oldeani in the north (just south of Ngorongoro Crater) to the Isanzu agricultural areas in the south. They do not live at altitudes much above 1500 meters, as they do not build shelters that will ward off the night chill at higher elevations. |
There is a small population of Hadza to the west of the lake, in ''Dunduina'' /duƞtuina/<ref>This article uses the old IPA letter for a moraic nasal, ⟨ƞ⟩, which was retired because it has no specific phonetic value. In Hadza, the moraic nasal is homorganic with a following consonant.</ref> 'Sukumaland', but their number seems to be decreasing and many only speak Sukuma and Swahili. | There is a small population of Hadza to the west of the lake, in ''Dunduina'' /duƞtuina/<ref>This article uses the old IPA letter for a moraic nasal, ⟨ƞ⟩, which was retired because it has no specific phonetic value. In Hadza, the moraic nasal is homorganic with a following consonant.</ref> 'Sukumaland', but their number seems to be decreasing and many only speak Sukuma and Swahili. | ||
| − | There are approximately 1,000 speakers of Hadza, most now bilingual in Swahili. Other second languages include [[Isanzu]] in the south, [[Sukuma]] in the west, and to a lesser degree [[Datooga]] in the center (e.g. near the Yaeda Valley) and [[Iraqw]] on the margins of Iraqw | + | There are approximately 1,000 speakers of Hadza, most now bilingual in Swahili. Other second languages include [[Isanzu]] in the south, [[Sukuma]] in the west, and to a lesser degree [[Datooga]] in the center (e.g. near the Yaeda Valley to the southeast of the lake) and [[Iraqw]] on the margins of the Iraqw highlands. The northern Hadza area, around the town of Mangola, was largely monolingual until the introduction of Standard Swahili after independence, though there are loanwords from colonial-era 'upcountry' Swahili. |
As of 2005, about 40% of Hadza lived as full-time hunter-gatherers, and language transmission was robust in the areas east of the lake, but since then there have been reports of children speaking Swahili east of the lake, perhaps due to the influx of ''Dunduinabee'' abandoning their territory in the west. | As of 2005, about 40% of Hadza lived as full-time hunter-gatherers, and language transmission was robust in the areas east of the lake, but since then there have been reports of children speaking Swahili east of the lake, perhaps due to the influx of ''Dunduinabee'' abandoning their territory in the west. | ||
=== Classification === | === Classification === | ||
| − | Hadza is a [[language isolate]]. Greenberg classified it as [[Khoisan]] due to its use of [[click consonant]]s. If it were not for the clicks, it's likely that Hadza would have been classified as [[Cushitic]]. | + | Hadza is a [[language isolate]]. Greenberg classified it as [[Khoisan]] due to its use of [[click consonant]]s. If it were not for the clicks, it's likely that Hadza would have been classified as [[Cushitic]]. Hadza and Sandawe have very similar phonetic inventories and phonotactics, suggesting an old sprachbund. However, the only detected commonalities in vocabulary are old Cushitic loans or perhaps passed through Cushitic. Much of the borrowed Cushitic vocabulary is consistent with reconstructions of proto-West Rift. |
=== Dialects === | === Dialects === | ||
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=== Name === | === Name === | ||
| − | "Hadza" is the most common name in the literature. ''Haza'' /ɦad͜za/ simply means 'human being'. The derivative "Hadzane" (/ɦad͜zane/ 'in the manner of the people') is sometimes encountered as the name of the language. The feminine plural ''hazabee'' /ɦad͜zabeʔe/ may be used for the people, though it is usually spelled "Hadzabe" due to devoicing of the final vowel. (The feminine is the inclusive gender in the plural.) "Hadzapi" is the masculine copular form ''hazaphii'' /ɦad͜zapʰiʔi/. "Hatza" and "Hatsa" are older German spellings. | + | "Hadza" is the most common name in the literature. ''Haza'' /ɦad͜za/ simply means 'human being'. The derivative "Hadzane" (/ɦad͜zane/ 'in the manner of the people') is sometimes encountered as the name of the language. The feminine plural ''hazabee'' /ɦad͜zabeʔe/ may be used for the people, though it is usually spelled "Hadzabe" due to devoicing of the final vowel. (The feminine is the inclusive gender in the plural.) "Hadzapi" is the masculine-plural copular form ''hazaphii'' /ɦad͜zapʰiʔi/. "Hatza" and "Hatsa" are older German spellings. |
| − | "Tindiga" is from the Swahili name, ''watindiga'' 'people of the marsh grass', presumably named for the large spring in Mangola. The | + | "Tindiga" is from the Swahili name, ''watindiga'' 'people of the marsh grass', presumably named for the large spring in Mangola. The forms ''wahadza'', ''kihadza'' are found instead of ''watindiga'', ''kitindiga'' in recent Swahili publications, but the Hadza do not consider ''watindiga'' to be pejorative. "Kindiga" may be a cognate from one of the local Bantu languages. "Kangeju" (pronounced ''Kangeyu'') is an obsolete German name of unclear origin. The name "Wahi" (pronounced ''Vahi'') found for the western Hadza in Kohl-Larsen is a Sukuma name for the Hadza. |
=== Orthography === | === Orthography === | ||
Hadza does not have a written tradition. Two orthographies have seen recent use: the phonetic transcription of Tucker, Bryan & Woodburn (1977), used with some modification by Woodburn and other anthropologists, and the practical orthography of Anyawire et al. (2013). As it is based on the IPA, the Woodburn transcription is more accessible to linguists, while the Anyawire orthography is closer to those of Sandawe and other written languages of Tanzania. There is evidently some political controversy over the choice of orthography, with Hadza reporting they have been told that if they use the Anyawire orthography they will loose their land. There are two motivations for the Anyawire orthography: the perception that the IPA click letters of the Woodburn transcription portray the Hadza language as bizarre, when the Hadza people already have difficulties with being marginalized and a perception that they are not proper human beings, and the practical issue that the ubiquitous apostrophe of the Woodburn transcription makes it impractical for extended use. The apostrophes are generally omitted by those Hadza who have learned it, with the resulting texts often being unintelligible even to their authors; when the apostrophes are written, they greatly slow down the pace of writing. In the Anyawire orthography, doubled consonants and vowels are used for glottalized/ejective consonants and glottal stop, with the apostrophe only being used for the Swahili convention of ⟨ngʼ⟩ for /ŋ/. | Hadza does not have a written tradition. Two orthographies have seen recent use: the phonetic transcription of Tucker, Bryan & Woodburn (1977), used with some modification by Woodburn and other anthropologists, and the practical orthography of Anyawire et al. (2013). As it is based on the IPA, the Woodburn transcription is more accessible to linguists, while the Anyawire orthography is closer to those of Sandawe and other written languages of Tanzania. There is evidently some political controversy over the choice of orthography, with Hadza reporting they have been told that if they use the Anyawire orthography they will loose their land. There are two motivations for the Anyawire orthography: the perception that the IPA click letters of the Woodburn transcription portray the Hadza language as bizarre, when the Hadza people already have difficulties with being marginalized and a perception that they are not proper human beings, and the practical issue that the ubiquitous apostrophe of the Woodburn transcription makes it impractical for extended use. The apostrophes are generally omitted by those Hadza who have learned it, with the resulting texts often being unintelligible even to their authors; when the apostrophes are written, they greatly slow down the pace of writing. In the Anyawire orthography, doubled consonants and vowels are used for glottalized/ejective consonants and glottal stop, with the apostrophe only being used for the Swahili convention of ⟨ngʼ⟩ for /ŋ/. | ||
| − | The Anyawire orthography is used alongside the IPA in this article for accessibility with the dictionary. For clarity, an apostrophe will be retained for glottal stop between unlike vowels, for e.g. ''ae'' /ae/ vs ''aʼe'' /aʔe/. In practice, the Hadza are more likely to use epenthetic glides between vowels in hiatus, for e.g. ''aye'' /ae/ | + | The Anyawire orthography is used alongside the IPA in this article for accessibility with the dictionary. For clarity, an apostrophe will be retained for glottal stop between unlike vowels, for e.g. ''ae'' /ae/ vs ''aʼe'' /aʔe/. In practice, the Hadza are more likely to use epenthetic glides between vowels in hiatus, for e.g. ''aye'' /ae/ vs ''ae'' /aʔe/. |
=== Phonology === | === Phonology === | ||
| − | Hadza syllable structure is limited to CVN in native words. There are no vowel-initial roots, unless ''h'' is analyzed as an allophone of zero. Syllable-coda N surfaces as a homorganic nasal when a following consonant has a place of articulation to assimilate to, and as nasalization of the vowel before a glottal consonant (glottal stop and ''h''/zero) and pre-pausa. Coda N appears allophonically before voiced or glottalized nasal clicks. A moraic (syllabic?) nasal is also found word-initially in loans, | + | Hadza syllable structure is limited to CVN in native words. There are no vowel-initial roots, unless ''h'' is analyzed as an allophone of zero. Syllable-coda N surfaces as a homorganic nasal when a following consonant has a place of articulation to assimilate to, and as nasalization of the vowel before a glottal consonant (glottal stop and ''h''/zero) and pre-pausa. Coda N appears allophonically before voiced or glottalized nasal clicks. A moraic (syllabic?) nasal is also found word-initially in loans from Bantu and Datooga, in which case it may have a different pitch than the following vowel, or may be preceded by an epenthetic vowel; such nasals are analyzed here as NCV sequences rather than as a series of prenasalized consonants. Phonetically, initial #NCV may also occur when the hV syllable of an #hVC₂V- word is elided and C₂ is a glottalized nasal click. |
==== Stress and tone ==== | ==== Stress and tone ==== | ||
| − | Salient stress and pitch is not restricted to a particular syllable. There are no known minimal pairs, grammatical or lexical, for stress or tone. | + | Salient stress and pitch is not restricted to a particular syllable. There are no known minimal pairs, grammatical or lexical, for contrastive stress or tone. Minimal pairs claimed in the literature have turned out to either not be distinct or to not be minimal pairs. It may be that some loanwords retain their tone from their source language. |
==== Vowels ==== | ==== Vowels ==== | ||
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Phonetic long vowels are often sequences, as in ''kaha'' [kaː] ~ [kaɦa] 'to climb'. In some words, however, there is no allomorph with [ɦ], as in ''bôko'' [boːko] 'she' (forms a minimal pair with ''boko'' [boko] 'to be ill'). There is no known minimal set to establish long /Vː/ as distinct from a /VV/ sequence. | Phonetic long vowels are often sequences, as in ''kaha'' [kaː] ~ [kaɦa] 'to climb'. In some words, however, there is no allomorph with [ɦ], as in ''bôko'' [boːko] 'she' (forms a minimal pair with ''boko'' [boko] 'to be ill'). There is no known minimal set to establish long /Vː/ as distinct from a /VV/ sequence. | ||
| − | The mid vowels /e, o/ tend to rise when a high vowel, /i, u/, occurs in the following syllable, and may merge with /i, u/ in that position. However, such assimilation tends to be optional, even in suffixed pronouns such as ''onebii'' [ʔone̝biʔi] ~ ''unibii'' [ʔunibiʔi] 'we' (masculine, inclusive). | + | The mid vowels /e, o/ tend to rise when a high vowel, /i, u/, occurs in the following syllable, and /e, o/ may merge with /i, u/ in that position. However, such assimilation tends to be optional, even in suffixed pronouns such as ''onebii'' [ʔone̝biʔi] ~ ''unibii'' [ʔunibiʔi] 'we' (masculine, inclusive). |
/u/ is relatively uncommon except in loans or due to vowel-height assimilation, and does not occur in grammatical morphemes unless the morpheme has a second syllable with vowel /i/. | /u/ is relatively uncommon except in loans or due to vowel-height assimilation, and does not occur in grammatical morphemes unless the morpheme has a second syllable with vowel /i/. | ||
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==== Consonants ==== | ==== Consonants ==== | ||
| − | Hadza has at least 50 productive syllable onsets and several | + | Hadza has at least 50 productive syllable onsets and several other marginal consonants. |
{| class="wikitable" style=text-align:center | {| class="wikitable" style=text-align:center | ||
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Consonants in parentheses are thought to be loans, though the voiced obstruents at least are well-integrated and may be spreading to native roots. | Consonants in parentheses are thought to be loans, though the voiced obstruents at least are well-integrated and may be spreading to native roots. | ||
| − | Consonants with a grey background may follow a coda nasal. (That is, they may be | + | Consonants with a grey background may follow a coda nasal in the preceding syllable. (That is, they may be C₂ in a CVNCV pattern.) /ǃ/ and /ǁ/ (lighter grey) are not attested in this position, but it is suspected these may be accidental gaps, given that only two roots are known with /ǀ/ after a nasal coda and that the gaps have not yet been investigated in the field. However, the only known case of /ƞǁʰ/, though it was clear when elicited, needs to be confirmed with additional speakers, so it's possible that the constraint against pulmonic laterals after a nasal coda extends to clicks. |
The voice-onset time of consonants is reduced after a nasal coda: [[tenuis]] consonants may be partially or completely voiced, and the aspiration of aspirated consonants may be reduced or lost. This is true of clicks as well as of plosives and affricates. A /b/~/p/ distinction has not been found in this position despite /b/ being native. | The voice-onset time of consonants is reduced after a nasal coda: [[tenuis]] consonants may be partially or completely voiced, and the aspiration of aspirated consonants may be reduced or lost. This is true of clicks as well as of plosives and affricates. A /b/~/p/ distinction has not been found in this position despite /b/ being native. | ||
Revision as of 11:25, 12 April 2019
| Hadza | ||
|---|---|---|
| Autoglottonym: | Haza, hazane | |
| Pronunciation: | [ɦad͜za] | |
| Ethnologue name: | Hadza | |
| OLAC name: | Hadza | |
| Location point: | 3°45′ S, 35°10′ E | |
| Genealogy | ||
| Family: | isolate | |
| Genus: | Hadza | |
| Speakers | ||
| Country: | Tanzania | |
| Official in: | none | |
| Speakers: | 1,000 | |
| Writing system: | none | |
| Codes | ||
| ISO 639-3: | hts | |
Hadza is a language isolate of Tanzania.
Contents
Location and Speakers
Hadza is spoken along the entire eastern shore of alkaline Lake Eyasi, which lies at the base of the Serengeti Plateau in central Tanzania, from Mount Oldeani in the north (just south of Ngorongoro Crater) to the Isanzu agricultural areas in the south. They do not live at altitudes much above 1500 meters, as they do not build shelters that will ward off the night chill at higher elevations.
There is a small population of Hadza to the west of the lake, in Dunduina /duƞtuina/[1] 'Sukumaland', but their number seems to be decreasing and many only speak Sukuma and Swahili.
There are approximately 1,000 speakers of Hadza, most now bilingual in Swahili. Other second languages include Isanzu in the south, Sukuma in the west, and to a lesser degree Datooga in the center (e.g. near the Yaeda Valley to the southeast of the lake) and Iraqw on the margins of the Iraqw highlands. The northern Hadza area, around the town of Mangola, was largely monolingual until the introduction of Standard Swahili after independence, though there are loanwords from colonial-era 'upcountry' Swahili.
As of 2005, about 40% of Hadza lived as full-time hunter-gatherers, and language transmission was robust in the areas east of the lake, but since then there have been reports of children speaking Swahili east of the lake, perhaps due to the influx of Dunduinabee abandoning their territory in the west.
Classification
Hadza is a language isolate. Greenberg classified it as Khoisan due to its use of click consonants. If it were not for the clicks, it's likely that Hadza would have been classified as Cushitic. Hadza and Sandawe have very similar phonetic inventories and phonotactics, suggesting an old sprachbund. However, the only detected commonalities in vocabulary are old Cushitic loans or perhaps passed through Cushitic. Much of the borrowed Cushitic vocabulary is consistent with reconstructions of proto-West Rift.
Dialects
There do not appear to be any dialects of Hadza, presumably due to the mobility of its speakers. There are some regional differences of vocabulary, however, and speakers note that there are many more Bantu loans in the south.
Name
"Hadza" is the most common name in the literature. Haza /ɦad͜za/ simply means 'human being'. The derivative "Hadzane" (/ɦad͜zane/ 'in the manner of the people') is sometimes encountered as the name of the language. The feminine plural hazabee /ɦad͜zabeʔe/ may be used for the people, though it is usually spelled "Hadzabe" due to devoicing of the final vowel. (The feminine is the inclusive gender in the plural.) "Hadzapi" is the masculine-plural copular form hazaphii /ɦad͜zapʰiʔi/. "Hatza" and "Hatsa" are older German spellings.
"Tindiga" is from the Swahili name, watindiga 'people of the marsh grass', presumably named for the large spring in Mangola. The forms wahadza, kihadza are found instead of watindiga, kitindiga in recent Swahili publications, but the Hadza do not consider watindiga to be pejorative. "Kindiga" may be a cognate from one of the local Bantu languages. "Kangeju" (pronounced Kangeyu) is an obsolete German name of unclear origin. The name "Wahi" (pronounced Vahi) found for the western Hadza in Kohl-Larsen is a Sukuma name for the Hadza.
Orthography
Hadza does not have a written tradition. Two orthographies have seen recent use: the phonetic transcription of Tucker, Bryan & Woodburn (1977), used with some modification by Woodburn and other anthropologists, and the practical orthography of Anyawire et al. (2013). As it is based on the IPA, the Woodburn transcription is more accessible to linguists, while the Anyawire orthography is closer to those of Sandawe and other written languages of Tanzania. There is evidently some political controversy over the choice of orthography, with Hadza reporting they have been told that if they use the Anyawire orthography they will loose their land. There are two motivations for the Anyawire orthography: the perception that the IPA click letters of the Woodburn transcription portray the Hadza language as bizarre, when the Hadza people already have difficulties with being marginalized and a perception that they are not proper human beings, and the practical issue that the ubiquitous apostrophe of the Woodburn transcription makes it impractical for extended use. The apostrophes are generally omitted by those Hadza who have learned it, with the resulting texts often being unintelligible even to their authors; when the apostrophes are written, they greatly slow down the pace of writing. In the Anyawire orthography, doubled consonants and vowels are used for glottalized/ejective consonants and glottal stop, with the apostrophe only being used for the Swahili convention of ⟨ngʼ⟩ for /ŋ/.
The Anyawire orthography is used alongside the IPA in this article for accessibility with the dictionary. For clarity, an apostrophe will be retained for glottal stop between unlike vowels, for e.g. ae /ae/ vs aʼe /aʔe/. In practice, the Hadza are more likely to use epenthetic glides between vowels in hiatus, for e.g. aye /ae/ vs ae /aʔe/.
Phonology
Hadza syllable structure is limited to CVN in native words. There are no vowel-initial roots, unless h is analyzed as an allophone of zero. Syllable-coda N surfaces as a homorganic nasal when a following consonant has a place of articulation to assimilate to, and as nasalization of the vowel before a glottal consonant (glottal stop and h/zero) and pre-pausa. Coda N appears allophonically before voiced or glottalized nasal clicks. A moraic (syllabic?) nasal is also found word-initially in loans from Bantu and Datooga, in which case it may have a different pitch than the following vowel, or may be preceded by an epenthetic vowel; such nasals are analyzed here as NCV sequences rather than as a series of prenasalized consonants. Phonetically, initial #NCV may also occur when the hV syllable of an #hVC₂V- word is elided and C₂ is a glottalized nasal click.
Stress and tone
Salient stress and pitch is not restricted to a particular syllable. There are no known minimal pairs, grammatical or lexical, for contrastive stress or tone. Minimal pairs claimed in the literature have turned out to either not be distinct or to not be minimal pairs. It may be that some loanwords retain their tone from their source language.
Vowels
There are five phonemic vowels, which are close to cardinal [a e i o u].
| Front | Central | Back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| High | i | u | |
| Mid | e | o | |
| Low | a |
Phonetic nasal vowels, which are not common except before a consonant, are here analyzed as /VN/.
Phonetic long vowels are often sequences, as in kaha [kaː] ~ [kaɦa] 'to climb'. In some words, however, there is no allomorph with [ɦ], as in bôko [boːko] 'she' (forms a minimal pair with boko [boko] 'to be ill'). There is no known minimal set to establish long /Vː/ as distinct from a /VV/ sequence.
The mid vowels /e, o/ tend to rise when a high vowel, /i, u/, occurs in the following syllable, and /e, o/ may merge with /i, u/ in that position. However, such assimilation tends to be optional, even in suffixed pronouns such as onebii [ʔone̝biʔi] ~ unibii [ʔunibiʔi] 'we' (masculine, inclusive).
/u/ is relatively uncommon except in loans or due to vowel-height assimilation, and does not occur in grammatical morphemes unless the morpheme has a second syllable with vowel /i/.
Vowels tend to devoice pre-pausa and after a voiceless consonant. In the highly frequent pattern of word-final -V₁ʔV₁ (where the two vowels are the same, found in half of all grammatical suffixes and clitics though not frequently elsewhere), the vowel and preceding glottal stop tend to elide completely, whether pre-pausa or before another word.
Consonants
Hadza has at least 50 productive syllable onsets and several other marginal consonants.
| Labial | (Denti-) alveolar |
(Post-) alveolar |
Palatal | Post-velar | Glottal/ placeless | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plain | labialized | ||||||||
| Click | Aspirated | ǀʰ | ǃʰ | ǁʰ | |||||
| Tenuis | ǀ | ǃ | ǁ | ||||||
| Voiced nasal | ⁿǀ | ⁿǃ | ⁿǁ | ||||||
| Glottalized nasal | ⁿǀˀ | ⁿǃˀ | ⁿǁˀ | ||||||
| Plosive / affricate | |||||||||
| Ejective | pʼ | t͜sʼ | t͜ʃʼ | c͜ʎ̥˔ʼ | k͜xʼ | k͜xʷʼ | |||
| Aspirated | pʰ | tʰ | t͜sʰ | t͜ʃʰ | c͜ʎ̥˔ʰ | kʰ | kʷʰ | ||
| Tenuis | p | t | t͜s | t͜ʃ | c͜ʎ̥˔ | k | kʷ | ʔ | |
| Voiced | b | (d) | (d͜z) | (d͜ʒ) | (ɡ) | (ɡʷ) | |||
| Nasal | m | n | (ɲ) | (ŋ) | (ŋʷ) | //ƞ// | |||
| Fricative | (fʷ) | ɬ | s | ʃ | |||||
| Sonorant | ɺ | j | w | ɦ (zero?) | |||||
Consonants in parentheses are thought to be loans, though the voiced obstruents at least are well-integrated and may be spreading to native roots.
Consonants with a grey background may follow a coda nasal in the preceding syllable. (That is, they may be C₂ in a CVNCV pattern.) /ǃ/ and /ǁ/ (lighter grey) are not attested in this position, but it is suspected these may be accidental gaps, given that only two roots are known with /ǀ/ after a nasal coda and that the gaps have not yet been investigated in the field. However, the only known case of /ƞǁʰ/, though it was clear when elicited, needs to be confirmed with additional speakers, so it's possible that the constraint against pulmonic laterals after a nasal coda extends to clicks.
The voice-onset time of consonants is reduced after a nasal coda: tenuis consonants may be partially or completely voiced, and the aspiration of aspirated consonants may be reduced or lost. This is true of clicks as well as of plosives and affricates. A /b/~/p/ distinction has not been found in this position despite /b/ being native.
Aspirated consonants may only be distinct in the first several syllables of a word. Many speakers distinguish aspirated plosives in only a few words, but maintain a robust distinction for affricates and clicks. The reason for this asymmetry is unknown.
The glottalized nasal clicks surface as e.g. [ǃʔ] post-pausa and often [ŋ͡nʔǃ] intervocalically. Accounts differ as to whether there is voiceless nasal airflow in post-pausa position.
Aspirated clicks may have a delayed and clearly audible posterior release, e.g. [ǃʰ] ~ [ǃkʰ]. This release has the same post-velar articulation as the k-series of plosives.
The ǃ-clicks tend to be weakly articulated, though, so far as is known, not slapped as has been reported from Sandawe. When intervocalic, /ⁿǃ/ may surface as or nearly as [ŋ͡n]. The ǁ-clicks, on the other hand, are typically quite salient.
Among the ejectives, /pʼ/ is uncommon. Many vary between affricate and fricative realizations. [sʼ, ʃʼ, xʼ, xʷʼ] have been noted. /k͜xʼ/ and /k͜xʷʼ/ have plosive allophones [kʼ, kʷʼ], and at least /k͜xʼ/ has a lateral allophone [k͜ʟ̝̊ʼ]. /t͜sʼ/ may be the ejective correlate of both the /t/ and /t͜s/ series of pulmonic consonants.
The palatal lateral affricates may be pronounced with an alveolar onset, e.g. [t͜ʎ̥˔], or without involving the front of the tongue, e.g. [c͜ʎ̥˔]. Speakers express no preference when hearing these articulations. The fricative /ɬ/ is alveolar; a palatal articulation is not accepted. Given that the fricative may be pronounced as an affricate in some prosodic situations, this means that there is a three-way phonetic place contrast among laterals: [t͜ɬ] vs [t͜ʎ̥˔ ~ c͜ʎ̥˔] and [t͜ʎ̥˔ʼ ~ c͜ʎ̥˔ʼ] vs [k͜ʟ̝̊ʼ].
/ɺ/ is typically realized as [l] post-pausa and [ɾ] elsewhere, though [ɺ] is not uncommon. It also tends toward [l] when it occurs as both C1 and C2, as in /ɺoɺa/ (sp. rabbit).
[ɦ] and zero may be allophones. If so, and given that vowel-initial suffixes may elide a stem-final vowel, it would be simplest to posit that the phoneme is zero and [ɦ] an allophone of zero, rather than that /ɦ/ is elided under some conditions. A predictive conditioning environment for the presence or absence of [ɦ] has not been discovered, but prosody may play a role; even vowel-initial suffixes and clitics may be realized with an initial [ɦ] when given contrastive prosody. Assimilation or bilingualism may be involved in the case of loanwords. For instance, an Isanzu loan for 'snake' was recorded as ihato /ʔiɦato/ at the beginning of the 20th century (and perhaps in an Isanzu-biligual area) but as iyato /ʔiato/ at the beginning of the 21st century in Mangola.
The glides /j/ and /w/ are not distinctive next to front (/i, e/) and back (/o, u/) vowels, respectively. It is possible that they are allophones of /i/ and /u/. When they occur word-initially, purported /jV, wV/ often appear as [ʔijV] and [ʔuwV]. This is true even of a ubiquitous sequential auxiliary (yamo [jamo] ~ iamo [ʔiamo] in the 3msg posterior (past?) tense). /j/ does however occur in two object suffixes where such variation has not been noted. In the anthropological and linguistic literature, glides are often written between unlike vowels. For example, the 3msg non-past copula clitic -ha /ɦa/ is often transcribed 'ya' after a front vowel and 'wa' after a back vowel.
Marginal consonants
A labial click, variously reported as [ⁿʘʷ] or [ⁿʘˀ], is found in a single root, mcwa-, that is mimetic for a kiss and often made with an accompanying kiss to the hand. Mcwa- may be allomorphic with ncuwa- /ⁿǀua/ with a dental click.
A trill [r] is used by some speakers in some words, such as karro /karo/ (hunting/sighting name for a female giraffe), perhaps reflecting the pronunciation of the word in the language it was borrowed from. It is replaced with /ɺ/ (karo /kaɺo/) by other speakers.
An implosive [ɓ] is used by some speakers in some words, perhaps reflecting the pronunciation of the word in the source language, though in some instances it might co-occur with ejectives, which would be difficult to explain away as a loan (e.g. beggawuko /bekx’auko/ 'elephant', apparently [ɓekx’auko] in some recordings). It is replaced with /b/ by other speakers. Other implosives have not been noted.
A fricative [x] occurs lexicalized in an expletive, ahho [ʔaxo], where otherwise the root is akho /ʔakʰo/ 'genitals'. (/kʰ/ is commonly realized as [kx].)
Word-initial /mu/ and occasionally /mo/ are optionally realized as syllabic [m̩], for example in the common greeting mutana ~ mtana. This is a Bantu alternation.
/v/ may occasionally be found in loans, as in mimetic vûvuko ~ fûfuko /vuːvuko ~ fuːfuko/ 'propeller toy', though it is normally replaced with /f/. [v] (or perhaps [β]) has been reported for /b/, for example in Bleek's transcriptions of the plural suffixes -bee and -bii as 've' and 'vi'.
Phonotactics
All clicks within a root must be the same, as in /ǀikiɺiƞǀa/ 'pinkie'. Although there is a tendency for clicks and ejectives to occur as C1, in a quarter of click words the click occurs as C2.
Clicks and ejectives may co-occur, but always in that order. When they co-occur, there appears to be some sibilant harmony, with a strong tendency for /t͜sʼ/ to occur with denti-alveolar clicks and for /c͜ʎ̥˔ʼ/ to occur with lateral clicks.
When an aspirated consonant occurs more than once in a word, the first tends to deaspirate (Grassmann's/Katupha's Law, though generally optional). A coda N may block deaspiration, as in the allomorphs /peǃeǃʰe/ ~ /peƞǃʰeƞǃʰe/ 'to rush'. NC sequences may loose their nasal segment as well, as in /ƞtʰaɺaƞtʰaɺaʔabiʔi/ ~ /taɺaƞtʰaɺaʔabiʔi/ '(arrow) barbs'. It is not clear to what extent these patterns hold with two different aspirated consonants.
Swadesh lists
Only roots are given. For example, the word for 'name', given as the root akhana below, is actually feminine plural akhanabee.
Wichmann & Holman basic 40-word list (ordered by stability)
- louse ccamazzi /ⁿǀˀamat͜sʼi/[2]
- two piye /pie/, konxa /koⁿǁa/ (verb)
- water ati /ʔati/ (mpl; msg = 'rain, river')
- ear hajjapitchi /ɦat͜ʃ’apit͜ʃʰi/[3]
- to die taxxi /taⁿǁˀi/, misi /misi/ (Datooga?)
- I *one /ʔone/, */-ko/[4]
- liver xxe /ⁿǁˀe/
- eye akhwa /ʔakʷʰa/
- hand, arm ukhwa /ʔukʷʰa/
- hear nxaʼe /ⁿǁaʔe/
- tree zziti /t͜s’iti/
- fish ccama /ⁿǀˀama/, ccara /ⁿǀˀaɺa/
- name akhana /ʔakʰana/
- stone haqqa /ɦaⁿǃˀa/
- tooth aha /ʔaɦa/
- breast iriba /ʔiɺiba/ ('breasts, milk'. Cushitic); ggazza /k͜x’at͜s’a/ ('flesh at sternum')
- thou the /tʰe/, /-en-/ (m), /-n-/ (f)
- path yeke /jeke/
- bone midla /mic͜ʎ̥˔’a/ (cf. Dahalo)
- tongue ncata /ⁿǀata/
- skin ahu /ʔaɦu/
- night zzifi /t͜s’ifi/ (m; f = 'day')
- leaf hazzape /ɦat͜s’ape/
- rain = 'water' (msg = 'rain, river'; mpl = 'water')
- kill xô /ǁoː/
- blood athama /ʔatʰama/
- horn roo /ɺoʔo/
- person haza /ɦad͜za/ (human), unu /ʔunu/ (person)
- knee guringuri /ɡuɺiƞɡuɺi/ ~ gurunguri /ɡuɺuƞɡuɺi/ (Cushitic? pan-African)
- one itchâme /ʔit͜ʃʰaːme/
- nose intawe /ʔiƞtʰawe/
- full ggaʼe /k͜x’aʔe/, *cco- /ⁿǀˀo-/
- come za /d͜za/ (Bantu), botco /bot͜ʃo/ (stem of imperative)
- star ntsa /ƞt͜sʰa/, sa /sa/ (Cushitic?)[5]
- mountain xxudle /ⁿǁˀuc͜ʎ̥˔’e/
- fire zzoko /t͜s’oko/
- we (exclusive) ô /ʔoː/, /-j-/
- to drink fa /fʷa/
- to see chî /ǀʰiː/ ~ cî /ǀiː/
- bark heggwa /ɦek͜xʷ’a/
- new zana /d͜zana/[6]
- dog xhaano /ǁʰaʔano/, tîngi /tiːƞki/
- sun isho /ʔiʃo/
Other Swadesh-100 words
Notes
- ↑ This article uses the old IPA letter for a moraic nasal, ⟨ƞ⟩, which was retired because it has no specific phonetic value. In Hadza, the moraic nasal is homorganic with a following consonant.
- ↑ cf. ccezze /ⁿǀˀet͜s’e/ 'tick'
- ↑ from hazzape /ɦat͜s’ape/ 'leaf'?
- ↑ If *-ko-a > /-kʷa/ rather than *-kʷa-ʔV > /-koʔo/.
- ↑ Anyawire et al. (2013) only found ntsa. Tucker et al. (1977) report sa 'star', and Woodburn confirms the form he knows does not have a nasal onset. /ƞ/ + /sa/ would generate /ƞt͜sʰa/. Indeed, speakers do not care if the latter is written ntsa or nsa. There are several Cushitic loanwords that have an onset that varies as C ~ NC in Hadza where the source language is only reconstructed with C.
- ↑ from za 'come'?
Bibliography
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- Peter Ladefoged, Ian Maddieson & Bonny Sands (1991). Hadza wordlist and sound files. UCLA Phonetics Lab Archive.
- ———— (1993). The Phonetic Structures of Hadza. In UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics No. 84: Fieldwork Studies in Targeted Languages, 67–87.
- Kirk Miller (2008). Hadza Grammar Notes. Paper presented at the 3rd International Symposium on Khoisan Languages and Linguistics, Riezlern, 7–9 July 2008.
- ———— (2009). Highlights of Hadza fieldwork. Paper presented at the 83rd Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America, San Francisco, 8–11 January 2009.
- ———— (2016). Hadza Kinship Terms. In Shah & Brenzinger, eds., Khoisan Languages and Linguistics: Proceedings of the 5th International Symposium, July 13–17, 2014, Riezlern/Kleinwalsertal. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 277–333.
- Bonny Sands (1998). The Linguistic Relationship between Hadza and Khoisan. In Schladt, Matthias (ed.) Language, Identity, and Conceptualization among the Khoisan (Quellen zur Khoisan-Forschung Vol. 15), Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 265–283.
- ———— (2013). Phonetics and phonology: Hadza; Tonology: Hadza; Morphology: Hadza; Syntax: Hadza. In Rainer Vossen, ed., The Khoesan Languages. Oxford: Routledge.
- Sergei Starostin. Hadza basic lexicon. Global Lexicostatistical Database. [much of the parsing is speculation, and Bleek's posthumous data is unreliable]
- A.N. Tucker, M.A. Bryan & James Woodburn as co-author for Hadza (1977). The East African Click Languages: A Phonetic Comparison. In J.G. Moehlig, Franz Rottland, Bernd Heine, eds, Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnohistorie in Afrika. Berlin: Dietrich Diener.
